"History is not preordained: a new cold war can be averted. US military arrogance has led to a global crisis. But there is still time to change course and build a democratic world order". So proclaims The Guardian as it proudly publishes an article by Mikhail Gorbachev, the man that Guardianistas believe won the Cold War.
In his article, President Gorbachev opines:
"A watershed in international relations has occurred in recent months. Indeed, the past year may well have seen the end of an entire era in world affairs - the post-cold war period of unilateralism and missed opportunities."
It is precisely this wish to gloss over what really happened in the Twentieth Century – the sheer brutality of totalitarian regimes such as the Soviet regime that was presided over by Gorbachev himself – that has been Gorbachev’s sole purpose since he was ousted from power in 1991. The oft-repeated pronouncement that the end of the Cold War provided for the emergence of a "New World Order" was surely shown to have been misguided and utopian at best, and a betrayal of Western democratic hegemony and values at worst.
The fact that Gorbachev has repeated the line of the international liberal-left that the last few years has see a period of unilateralism on the part of the United States shows that Gorbachev has conveniently chosen to ignore the multilateralist dimension to US foreign policy (a multilateralism that saw a grand coalition of the willing liberate both Afghanistan and Iraq).
"When the cold war ended, avenues opened up for progress toward a better world. Major powers, particularly the United States, the Soviet Union and China, were working constructively together in the United Nations security council. International conflicts, including those in Angola, El Salvador, Nicaragua and Cambodia, were brought to an end. Nuclear and conventional arms control agreements were concluded, and democratic changes were under way in dozens of countries in Asia, Latin America and central and eastern Europe.
Those democratic changes were not thanks to or because of President Gorbachev, no matter how much the Left would love to have everyone believe that the Cold War ended peacefully because of the statesmanlike behaviour of the Soviet leader rather than the vision and courage of President Reagan – the man who won the Cold War without firing a single shot.
"The Charter of Paris for a New Europe, signed in 1990, marked the beginning of a process that was expected to lead to a new, peaceful and democratic world order. But the movement in that direction soon stalled. The break-up of the Soviet Union was followed by changes in the political elites of the United States and other countries. The Charter of Paris was forgotten. Instead of moving towards a new security architecture, it was decided to rely on the tools inherited from the cold war. The United States - and the West as a whole - succumbed to the "winner's complex"."
This is a wonderful expression of sour grapes. It’s not just in the playground that the loser whines about losing. The suggestion that there was a dramatic change in the political elite of the United States after President George H W Bush was replaced by the even more mulitlateralist President Clinton is a weak attempt to rewrite history.
"Europe was shaken by the tragedies in the Balkans. Waves of instability swept through the former Yugoslavia, the Middle East and Africa as the struggles for spheres of influence, resources and markets gathered momentum.
Nato's promise to evolve into a primarily political organisation was not kept. Instead, it moved to increase its membership and expand its zone of operations. A new arms race is now under way. The problems of nuclear weapons and non-proliferation have taken on a new urgency, with the original members of the nuclear club bearing much of the blame for it."
There was never a suggestion or a commitment that NATO would evolve in the manner suggested by Gorbachev. It is fantasy to suggest there was. Indeed had it been merely a political organization, it would not have reacted with such speed as it did after 9/11 when the mutual defence clause was invoked in support of the United States. The real substance of Gorbachev’s complaint is that NATO – and the EU – expanded eastwards and now envelops a number of former Soviet republics such as Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia. These were countries that Gorbachev and his Soviet allies oppressed ruthlessly even as late as 1991.
Just because some of a wolf’s teeth fall out, it does not mean that the wolf is necessarily any less dangerous. Just because Gorbachev’s ideology was rejected by millions of European – and Russian – people in the early 1990s, it does not mean that such attitudes cannot reappear. Indeed President Putin has more in common in his attitude to his neighbours and to dissidents with Gorbachev than with Yeltsin.
"There is a real danger of a new division of the world; the possibility of a new cold war is being widely discussed. Without regard for the security council or for the opinion of other countries, including its partners and allies, the United States invaded Iraq with disastrous consequences. The arrogance of military power has led to a grave crisis - and to a decline of the United States' role and influence."
There is no such risk of division or of a new Cold War. The members of the UN Security Council have no interest in allowing rogue states such as Iran or North Korea having nuclear weapons. Likewise those nations do not want rampant Islamofascism to destroy the stability of their societies.
It is a fallacy – a distortion worthy of Pravda itself – to suggest that the United States’ "invasion" of Iraq was undertaken without regard for the UN Security Council or the opinion of the US’ allies. The UN made it clear that Iraq was required to comply with the Security Council’s resolutions or that it would face the consequences. Far from acting without regard to the opinion of its allies, the United States put together a coalition of more than 25 nations.
The laughable assertion that America’s role and influence has declined is nothing more than wishful thinking from a man who barely registered in the polls when he last stood for the Russian presidency. It is rather like a fading actress decrying the talents or beauty of a rival from days gone by when that rival has continued to have a glittering career in her later years. American influence in the world remains just as strong as ever and its power is undiminished – just ask the Somalian Islamofascists who faced American wrath only last week. Libya and Syria certainly didn’t take the view that American might could be ignored when they shifted their positions in the wake of the Iraqi liberation.
"Another consequence of unilateralist policies and attempts to claim exclusive leadership is that most international institutions have not been able to address effectively the new century's global challenges - the environmental crisis and the problem of poverty. The unprecedented scale of international terrorism and the proliferation of ethnic and religious conflicts are disturbing signs of troubles to come."
The reason that America has acted – against Saddam Hussein and on a host of other issues – outside the international institutions in which Gorbachev seems to place so much faith is simple. Those institutions lack legitimacy or credibility. When President Bush makes it clear he will do something, it is recognized that he means business.
"Americans have also felt the effects of the administration's flawed foreign policies. In November the voters made their verdict known, delivering a defeat for the Republicans in the midterm elections. Yet that is a challenge to the entire US political establishment, for Democrats as well as Republicans. There is a need for a correction in the superpower's policies. Is the administration of George Bush capable of such a correction?"
This misrepresents the reasons for the Republicans’ defeat in November. The Democrats were only able to win control of Congress by running socially and fiscally conservative, pro-war candidates. They did not run on anti-war ticket. The Republicans lost control of Congress because they were rightly perceived as having failed to act with due propriety – conservatives, disgusted at the Republican Congress’ behaviour – stayed home.
"Both in the United States and elsewhere, the prevailing view is often negative. The administration gives ample reason for this view, because it seems to prefer the inertia of the old course. It would appear that all the Bush administration wants is to persuade the world that it is still firmly in the saddle. The president's recent statements and the plans being discussed in his administration are cut from the old cloth.
The Republican leadership clearly wants to leave to the next president a legacy that would tie him to its policies and make a change of course impossible. If so it is not just a tactical blunder but a recipe for an even greater disaster.
And yet I think the possibility of change is still there. The administration and Congress still have the time to forge it. They should begin with the Middle East. Not only should America start pulling itself out of the Iraqi quagmire, but it also needs to return to a constructive policy in the region. It is essential that the Middle East peace process be resumed, along with a serious dialogue with Iraq's neighbours."
Is Gorbachev seriously suggesting that America should cut and run? It is nice to know, at least, that once again Ted Kennedy and Mikhail Gorbachev are singing from the same hymn sheet (or at least they would be if either of them were true Christians and Gorbachev hadn’t prevented freedom of worship under his dictatorship). It is evidently not in America’s – or the region’s interests – for US troops to cut and run. While I can understand Russia’s desire to get its hands back on Iraqi oil, the suggestion that America should leave with its tail between its legs is nothing short of bonkers and wishful thinking. It ain’t gonna happen!
"If America's leaders have the foresight and the courage to look at the world as it really is, they would choose dialogue and cooperation rather than force. What is needed is not a worldwide web of military presence and intervention, but a restraint and a willingness to solve problems by political means.
After all, the world has changed dramatically even when compared to the early 1990s. It has become even more interconnected and interdependent. New giants - China, India and Brazil - have entered the world arena, and their views can no longer be ignored. Europe is uniting, and its economic and political influence is bound to grow."
Yes their views can be ignored, or at least those of Brazil and India can. If those two nations are anxious to pontificate on the world stage, they should start by addressing issues in their own back yards.
"Although the Islamic world is finding it difficult to adapt to new realities, its adjustment will continue and this great civilisation will insist on being treated with respect. Finally, the democratic transition of Russia (as well as the other former Soviet republics), for all its considerable problems, is bringing a new, strong player to the international scene.
During the 1990s, which were a difficult time for my country, I said that Russia's troubles would pass, that it would rise to its feet and forge ahead. This is what is happening now.
Russia's resurgence, its insistence on protecting its interests, and its ability to play a proper role in the world, are not to everyone's liking. Strangely enough, when Russia was mired in crisis, the west applauded it; today Russia is accused of rejecting democracy and of having imperial ambitions.
Still, there are no real reasons to fear Russia. My country is facing many problems. Learning new ways and building democratic institutions is indeed hard work. But Russia will never go back. The most difficult part of the road is already behind us."
It is hard to see what other view can be taken of Russia apart from that it is a menace and, once again, a threat. Its behaviour towards its neighbours has made it all too apparent to anyone with an eye on reality that the West needs to work towards energy security before countries such as Russia, Venezuela and the Gulf states work properly in concert to our detriment.
Russia is not a democracy. It is a thoroughly unpleasant oligarchy where debate is stifled. It is only because of its economic weakness arising out the dismantling of the Soviet Union and 75 years of communism that it is unable to challenge American and Western power. Russia is not as great a threat as it was in the 1980s – but it is not a trusty ally either.
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